Showing posts with label Tea Party Movement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tea Party Movement. Show all posts

Saturday, November 16, 2013

The Blinding Effect of Pragmatism

Replying to my comments about NJ Governor Chris Christie's re-election and the fate of the Tea Party, gyre said:
Actually, I mistrust the Tea Party for two reasons: 1- their continuing blind and all-consuming hatred of President Obama. It's not rational. 2- their willingness to lead American into a catastrophic debt default (and please don't tell me it wouldn't have been all that bad, because I'll just ask you, "You're sure, right? I can trust you guys on that theory?") No, zemack [my screen name], it has nothing to do with ideology. I'm a pragmatist and not burdened by faith-based views on the economy. My eyes are wide open and I don't like what I see when I look at Tea Partiers.

If economics "has nothing to do with ideology," then how can gyre conclude that a debt default would have been catastrophic? If he is truly a pragmatist, then how can he judge the Tea Party? I answered him this way: 

A pragmatist is a short-term oriented individual who is not burdened by principles and thus no means of learning from the past, projecting future consequences, or understanding unintended consequences of current actions, leaving nothing but faith and feelings as a guide. Pragmatism is self-imposed blindness. So you go right on being a pragmatist, and I'll go right on being a free market ideological purist, because free market economics is backed up not by faith but sound economic theory supported by real-world evidence, common sense, and morality. Socialist "economics" has no supporting economic theory, only the ethical principle "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need" (not to say you're a socialist).

Your pragmatism is why you can't see that the current conflict in America is all about ideology—the role of government, the nature of society, and the individual's place in it—collectivism vs. individualism. If you took a principled rather than pragmatic view, you'd see that that conflict lies at the root of every major issue that divides us. 


And who said that defaulting on the national debt would not be catastrophic? You misread the issue. No one that I know of said that. The point is, an end to future bond borrowing is not synonymous with not servicing past bond borrowing, any more than not charging your next consumer purchase means not making your next mortgage payment. Refusing to raise the debt ceiling need not have been catastrophic. Obama could have easily serviced the debt, because current federal tax revenues are ten times the current debt service. Default would have only happened if the Obama Administration refused to service the debt in order to protect the bloated redistributionist welfare state. It was Obama who was threatening default, in order to blunt the GOP's heroic attempt to reign in federal borrowing and spending. 


Would a sudden shrinkage of the welfare state cause short-term economic adjustments? Sure. But all to the good, because every dollar that the government doesn't spend is one less dollar transferred from those who earned it to those who didn't. Of course, the rational approach would be an orderly, planned shrinkage of federal spending. But what Democrat is willing to compromise on wealth redistribution? (For that matter, what Republican is really against the welfare state?)


Related Reading:

The Tea Party: Is It Do-or-Die Time?

The Menace of Pragmatism—Tara Smith

The Republican Debacle and its Consequences for the Tea Party 

Thursday, November 7, 2013

The Tea Party: Is It Do-or Die Time?

The Tea Party has taken some blows recently, including the recent election, some by its own political bungling. Has it seen its day? Libertarian, Paulist columnist Paul Mulshine thinks soMany on the Left believe (hope) so. The New Jersey Star-Ledger says that Tea Party candidates' "obsession with ideological purity and determination not to compromise at any cost may have finally been their undoing." 

Following his landslide victory, the Left-leaning Star-Ledger writes that Republican Governor Chris Christie is the GOP's best hope for reinvention. It even endorsed the popular governor for reelection against Democrat Barbara Buono (that should tell you something).

I left these comments:

It is understandable that the Star-Ledger loves Chris Christie. He is a "big government" Republican (e.g.-he supports minimum wage laws, but with smaller increases). Reinvention? Rather than "reinvent," a national leader Christie would resurrect the Democrats' most reliable secret weapon; that old-time me-too Republican Party. 

To be sure, the Tea Party is not ideologically pure, and I disagree with a great many Tea Partyers, especially its social conservative wing. The Tea Party is beset with internal philosophical contradictions (see Mulshine's column). But remember that the Tea Party was born as a rebellion against the ever-expanding growth of government and the corresponding retreat of individual liberty in America. Its opposition to "big government" was always too vague, but for all of its faults, the Tea Party is the only viable cultural/political force around to defend individual rights and limited, rights-protecting government. It just needs an intellectual/ philosophical foundation.

When the editors condemn Tea Party candidates for their "obsession with ideological purity and determination not to compromise at any cost," what they illustrate is the Left's fear of a principled cultural opposition to their own collectivist/statist ideological purity. 

Despite the Tea Party's recent political fumbles, the GOP and America needs the Tea Party at this point. A Republican Party without the Tea Party means essentially one-party rule, with the collectivist/statist Democrats controlling the agenda and the "moderate" GOP compromising away liberty at every step of the way. 

I wouldn't write off the Tea Party just yet. I remember the 1960s New Left. It seemed to die off in the 1970s. Yet, here it is in control, in the form of the Obama Democrats. Labels can disappear, but ideas are much harder to defeat. The left has always been ideologically pure, only willing to "compromise" on details but rarely on its fundamental ideals.

If the Tea Party can congeal around a consistent platform of individualism, political freedom, and free market capitalism—as a counterweight to the Left's collectivism, political authoritarianism, and fascist/socialism—it can win in the longer run. The Tea Party's potential to upset the Left's designs on America is why it hates and fears the Tea Party.

It may be do-or-die time for the Tea Party. As Mulshine rightly points out, "the tea parties started out with great promise" but then went off the rails. For example, Mulshine notes:


    The tea party’s objections to Obamacare as socialized medicine weren't based on principle. They were based on naked self-interest. This new government program threatened to cut into the benefits they received from the old government program.
    If the tea partiers were truly opposed to socialized medicine, they would have urged the Republicans in Congress to defund Medicare, not Obamacare.

Though I wouldn't call supporting Medicare in the self-interest of a liberty advocate, Mulshine's essential point is valid. The Tea Party as a movement always lacked explicit principles.

Has the Tea Party had its day? Maybe. But, for ideologically pure proponents of liberty and capitalism, their day has not yet arrived.




Friday, October 18, 2013

Tea Party Resistance to "Big Government" Raises Fear on the Left

Although the government shutdown was a political disaster for the Republican Party, the reaction on the Left gives one pause. 

Typical of responses to the government shutdown and debt ceiling coinfrontation is the New Jersey Star-Ledger's editorializing about The Tea Party's Tantrum. The paper used terms like "extortionist tactic" and "bomb-throwers like Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas)" and "hostage-taking." The editors lamented that "the Republican Party is in a state of dysfunction that will haunt the nation again soon," thanks to the "stridency" of the Tea Party "extremists." This "political crises . . . won’t change until the Cruz faction of the Republican Party is put to rest for good."

One wonders if the editors realize that their editorial is itself a tantrum over the Tea Party.

I left these comments:

While I think the Republican political strategy in this budget battle was ill-conceived, the shutdown did highlight the broader issues involved. 

The question any concerned citizen should be asking is: How is it that a partial government shutdown and a freeze on federal borrowing can have such a devastating impact on so many American individuals and businesses? The answer to that question contains an important warning: The government has accrued enormous rights-violating powers over our economic lives, and it is the Left-wing statists that is primarily responsible. 


Another message is that the Tea Party resistance is a major threat to the Left's fascist-socialist designs on America. This explains the hysterical vitriol leveled against the Tea Party—coming from power-crazed people who have no respect for individual rights. The Left loves a "moderate" me-too Republican Party that will pave the Leftward road with compromise. The Tea Party—admittedly a fractious, often contradictory movement—is the only political/cultural force, spawned at the grass roots level, that is at least taking a stand against rampaging statism. The Tea Party is a long-term threat to the Left, and the Left fears it. 


This Fall's budget battle highlights just how much control the state has gained and just how dependent Americans have become on government spending—spending financed by Americans themselves. It should motivate any liberty-loving, compassionate American to sit up and take notice—and listen. As long as one political faction believes it can wage economic aggression against their fellow Americans, with the government as its hired gun, we can only hope that the Tea Party will regroup and continue the fight.


Related Reading:

Ayn Rand: Tea Party Voice of the Founding Fathers

9.12.09 - Here We Go

Some Post - DC Observations

Government Shut Down and All I Got was This Blog Post—Ari Armstrong

Thursday, October 17, 2013

The Republican Debacle and its Consequences for the Tea Party

If you want an abject lesson in what happens when you try to fight a political battle without philosophical ammunition, the government shutdown battle provides it.

To start with, the Republicans attempt to use the government shutdown as a means of stopping ObamaCare's implementation was a politically senseless strategy to begin with because it was doomed by a failure to offer a sharply defined free market alternative healthcare reform plan. Oh, sure, they did offer up a wishy-washy plan in September that contained a few good ideas. But, that plan was not offered as a pro-individual rights path to a fully free market to counter the Dem's vision of single-payer. It was merely a set of "common-sense reforms" intended to achieve the Dem's goal " without adding to the crushing debt Washington has placed on our children and grandchildren." The stated goal? Not more freedom. Just lower costs of healthcare.

It went down hill from there. The Democrats ended up looking like the responsible party; the Republicans like a bunch of irresponsible, clueless idiots, swinging from one "compromise" proposal to another, with each one representing another letter in the word SURRENDER. Worse, the Democrats—the unabashed collectivists—came across as morally confident. And the Republicans? What do you expect from a me-too party?

The worst part is, they discredited the Tea Party Movement, at least for now, handing the Left the opportunity to paint the movement as a callous band of renegades that "threatened to sabotage the economy to gain political leverage. They put a knife to the nation’s throat." The Tea Party can recover, but only if it adopts an unequivocal stand in defense of individual rights.

But that's the problem. The Tea Party never did congeal around a consistent philosophy. Many of us tried to seed the movement with the right ideas. But we were just one small faction of a fractious conglomeration that ran the gamut from the Religious Right and social conservatives to economic conservatives to pragmatic libertarians to single-issue groups like the pro-Second Amendment activists to defenders of Medicare shouting "Down with ObamaCare." What was needed was a movement anchored to a philosophy of individualism and capitalism. What we got was a blown opportunity to stem the statist tide.

Am I being too pessimistic? Perhaps. But the spectacle was nauseating. The one silver lining may be that the Republicans can at least claim that they took a politically risky stand against runaway government—and build on that. They can use the shutdown to highlight how vast a hold the government has gained on Americans' lives, jobs, and businesses; i.e., how much government now violates their rights.  But they're not going to get very far if all they can do is to muster philosophically empty alternatives to ObamaCare like their "Common-Sense Reforms to Lower Health Care Costs."

In a TOS blog post, I said:


As Ayn Rand observed: “A political battle is merely a skirmish fought with muskets; a philosophical battle is a nuclear war.” The Democrats are waging nuclear war on behalf of collectivism. If Republicans want to win, they must respond in kind and embrace the true, the moral, and thus the invincible principle of individual rights.

While the Republicans quibble over utilitarian details, the Democrats fill the moral vacuum and seize the moral high road by default. When will the Republicans—and the Tea Party—wake up and realize what kind of war they are in?

Related Reading:

Will the Republicans Wield Muskets in a Nuclear War?

My Challenge to the GOP: A Philosophical Contract with America

Wednesday, November 7, 2012

The Coming GOP Restructuring: Toward Liberty or Religious Authoritarianism?

In August, Albert R. Hunt raised the specter of a radical restructuring of the Republican Party, noting that Romney May Signal the End of Establishment Republicans' Rule.

At that point in the presidential campaign, the Romney team appeared to be headed for defeat. Unsurprisingly, that has now become a reality. Hunt wrote:


The grass-roots, ideologically driven base typified by the Tea Party movement ... is maturing into full control.
The establishment Republicans generally hold more moderate views, some having grown up in the party, others coming from business, and with a general appreciation of an “activist, limited government.”
Movement conservatives are motivated by ideology, sometimes small-government economics, other times the religious social agenda. They range from Paul Ryan, the small-government, economic policy-savvy vice-presidential candidate, to Todd Akin, the Missouri Senate contender who last week suggested that it is rare for women to become pregnant as a result of rape, saying “If it’s a legitimate rape, the female body has ways to try to shut that whole thing down.”
From Washington to the state capitals to the local level, the movement conservatives are in the ascendancy. For years, the Republican base was divided; it’s now dominated by the movement types.


From the end of the Reagan Administration through the second Bush Administration, Hunt notes, the GOP was dominated by liberal or "moderate" ("Establishment") Republicans. But the Establishment Republicans' reign culminated in the surging statism of the last 12 years, and the loss of an election that should have brought them a sweeping victory. Clearly, if the Republican Party is to become relevant, it needs to radically restructure.

But the movement conservatives and the Tea Party movement are afflicted by their own great divide--between (a general appreciation of) economic liberty and social authoritarianism. Free market capitalism simply cannot coexist with the Religious Right, or religion generally. On the dark side are the likes of Akin and Richard Mourdock and their cruel comments on rape. On the bright side are the likes of Margaret Hoover, who has called on the Republican Party to repudiate the anti-abortion, anti-immigration, anti-same-sex marriage Religious Right and social conservative elements of its agenda and unite the party platform under the principle of "American Individualism."  (See my Objective Standard review of her book of that title.)

To become relevant, the New Republican Party will have to choose one direction or the other. To learn how to help push the GOP in the right direction--the direction of individualism and individual rights--I urge you to read Free Market Revolution: How Ayn Rand's Ideas can End Big Government.


Related Reading:

My Challenge to the GOP; a Philosophical Contract with America

Understanding Obama: It's Not the Economy, Stupid!

Will the 58% Save America?

Politics 2012: Can "American Individualism" Save the GOP--and America?

Election 2010: Is it 1966, or a Real Turning of the Statist Tide?

Ayn Rand Foresaw Conservatism's Second Obituary


Friday, December 9, 2011

The "Tea Party Budget" Emerges

“The only way we will ever reduce the debt and balance the budget is if ... tea party activists take over this process.”
Matt Kibbe
Washington, DC

* Repeals ObamaCare in toto.
* Eliminates four Cabinet agencies — Energy, Education, Commerce, and HUD — and reduces or
privatizes many others, including EPA, TSA, Fannie Mae, and Freddie Mac.
* Ends farm subsidies, government student loans, and foreign aid to countries that don’t support us
— luxuries we can no longer afford.
* Saves Social Security and greatly improves future benefits by shifting ownership and control from
government to individuals, through new SMART Accounts.
* Gives Medicare seniors the right to opt into the Congressional health care plan.
* Suspends pension contributions and COLAs for Members of Congress, whenever the budget is in
deficit.


These are some of the highlights of the newly released Tea Party Budget proposal. As FreedomWorks puts it, "The only means for reducing government is to cut programs and confine the power of government." The Tea Party Budget does just that. I have only given it a brief glance, but it is definitely a major step in the right direction. It should please anyone outside of the parasite/power-lust axis.

The Ryan budget was a start, but it only reduced, but did not eliminate, the deficits. Disagreements over specifics aside, the Tea Party budget is the real deal, in the sense that it doesn't tinker around the edges with, for example, "cuts" that really amount smaller spending increases. As Don Watkins says in this interview, the best feature of the Tea Party budget is that "It reintroduces the 'A' word - ABOLISH!"

I particularly like the feature that abolishes government student loans, one of the most destructive higher educational intrusions by government ever, if not the most destructive. For example, Neal McCluskey reports in the New York Post on how "the jet fuel [of] federal student aid" has driven college tuition through the roof. He calls it a "College-Cost Crisis", which it surely is, and a government-created one.

This budget in noteworthy in that it attempts to reign the federal government back within the confines of constitutional constraints. Taking the constitution seriously is also a good first step. Of course, the next steps will be more difficult - addressing the constitutional vagueness and the loopholes that opened the door to statism (ex. the Commerce Clause). And, even more critically, the budget must be philosophically, not just constitutionally, defended.

Culturally, this budget - along with the Occupy Movement - should spark the Tea Party, which has grown a little stale of late. A reinvigorated Tea Party should help make 2012 the most consequential presidential election cycle in decades.

On the political front, the question is: Will any of the GOP presidential candidates embrace the Tea Party budget? This will be a test of which if any of them is the real deal.

Stay tuned.

Sunday, November 14, 2010

Ayn Rand: Tea Party Voice of the Founding Fathers

[IMPORTANT NOTE TO THOSE WHO HAVE NOT YET READ AYN RAND"S NOVEL "ATLAS SHRUGGED": This post contains plot spoilers.]

In a piece in the Christian Science Monitor – an article that many correspondents believe was beneath the intellectual integrity of that publication – Vladimir Shlapentokh has declared that Ayn Rand is an unbefitting hero of the Tea Party. He writes:

Tea party leaders themselves talk about restoring America to the vision of the founding founders [sic]. That’s hardly a revealing insight; almost every political movement claims to carry on the founders’ legacy. We can learn much more about the tea party’s identity by looking to its heroes.

At tea party rallies, posters and praise single out the usual suspects: Thomas Jefferson, Sarah Palin, and Glenn Beck. But there’s another person who figures prominently at these rallies, one who serves as the intellectual fountainhead ... Ayn Rand. And that should concern all Americans. (Emphasis added.)

Ignoring Rand's real philosophy

Tea partiers portray themselves as ordinary Americans fed up with an out-of-control, deeply indebted welfare state. Many no doubt see Ms. Rand – the 20th-century writer and philosopher who railed against state power and collectivist thinking in such novels as “The Fountainhead” and “Atlas Shrugged” – as a posthumous compatriot.

But by clinging to the superficial commonality of hostility to welfare, tea partiers fail to see (or willfully ignore) something critical: Rand espoused an elitist, oligarchic philosophy that is both fundamentally antiAmerican (sic) and deeply at odds with the tea party's own “we the people” cause.


The growing cultural penetration of novelist/philosopher Ayn Rand has unleashed a continuing barrage of criticism based upon misrepresentations and distortions of her ideas. This smear piece is no different. In typical fashion, the author writes as if he never even bothered to read Rand’s works. What’s interesting about this piece is the connection he makes between the Tea Party, Ayn Rand, and the Founding Fathers – or, more precisely, the wedge he attempts to drive between them based upon an “anti-concept” and a fraudulent view of the Founders’ concept of “We the People”. Why? To smother her ideas. A Tea Party Movement without its "intellectual fountainhead" Ayn Rand would be just what the reactionary enemies of the Founding Fathers desperately want – a hollow “intellectual arsenal” on the Right.

The anti-concept is the term “elitist” that Shlapentokh pins on Ayn Rand, and is the hammer he attempts to use to drive the wedge. “Anti-concept” is a term coined by Rand herself, which she defines as follows:

An anti-concept is … designed to replace and obliterate some legitimate concept. The use of anti-concepts gives the listeners a sense of approximate understanding.

It consists of creating an artificial, unnecessary, and (rationally) unusable term, designed to replace and obliterate some legitimate concepts—a term which sounds like a concept, but stands for a “package-deal” of disparate, incongruous, contradictory elements taken out of any logical conceptual order or context, a “package-deal” whose (approximately) defining characteristic is always a non-essential.


Article correspondent and Objectivist Sylvia Bokor explains this principle as it relates to Shlapentokh’s use of the term “elitist”:

"Elitism" is an anti-concept. It is an attempt to substitute the opposite of what the word "elite" emotionally generates, in an effort to destroy the abstract meaning of the term.

The emotion the concept "elite" arouses is admiration, pleasure, assurance. Its abstract meaning is those of high moral character. The elite in every category of endeavor refers to the achiever, the producer, the doer, the creative, the man of ability. We look up to men of ability and consider them the best man can be. We give them an elite status because they deserve distinction for their achievement.

Most men prefer the company of men they can respect and admire. Few men favor the company of criminals, cheats, the dishonest and the malingerer.

The anti-concept "elitist" is always meant derogatorily. It suggests that those who do not seek the company of morally depraved are somehow "not nice."


Ayn Rand the “elitist” is in fact the greatest champion of the “average working man” precisely because she is a defender of the individual’s right to his own life. The heroes in her novels – the productive elite - portray the virtuous character traits that lead to a self-made successful state of life and are readily attainable by anyone, on any level of ability. Reardon, d’Anconia, and Roark serve as inspirations particularly for the young just starting out in life. It is precisely those who the statists love to denigrate as hopelessly inept “little people” requiring a paternalistic state that have the most to gain by Rand’s philosophy, called Objectivism. It is “We the People”, not some mythical oligarchic elite, that statists fear. Once “the people” catch on and stand up and demand their rights, the collectivist game is over. Ayn Rand Tea Partyers are doing just that.

But Shlapentokh is right about one thing: Rand was an enemy of democracy. On this she stood with the Founding Fathers, who strove to create a constitutionally limited republic that authorizes the people to elect its leaders, but whose powers are limited to protecting their rights. The concepts of individualism based upon unalienable rights, and democracy based upon the supremacy of “the will of the people”, are antipodes. The statist advance in this country depends upon obliterating this country’s core Founding principle, the rights of man. Since one of the ideological means used by statists to achieve this is to smuggle in the idea of democracy as the American system, it is quite obvious why Rand must never be allowed to get an honest hearing: A principled, consistent defender of individual rights is a threat to power-lusters everywhere and at all times.

And diffusing this threat is the core meaning of Shlapentokh’s intentions. The Tea Party Movement, for all of its often-contradictory ideological diversity, is fundamentally about “restoring America to the vision of the founding founders”. Shlapentokh finds it “ironic” that “At tea party meetings in September, Rand’s name competed in popularity with Jefferson”. Competition?!? The book that he attempts to discredit as championing “the elites”, Rand’s magnum opus Atlas Shrugged, is in fact the greatest of tributes to the Founding Fathers. A proper understanding of that book makes it clear why Shlapentokh desperately needs to drive a wedge between Rand and Jefferson: Ayn Rand stands on the shoulders of the Founders, especially Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence.

That Declaration is a very abstract document which espouses a particular set of ideals that holds the individual human being as the supreme, sovereign societal value, each capable of using his power of reason to build his own life by his own effort, in voluntary and benevolent association and trade with others. The Founders' vision upheld government as the people's servant, bound by the single limited duty to protect his unalienable rights to life and property, and to the liberty to pursue of his own goals and happiness. The very same description applies to Atlas Shrugged, and the parallels between Atlas’ heroes and the Founders are manifest – they both sought only for every man to be left free, and were willing to risk all to fight for the principles espoused by Jefferson.

The Declaration of Independence ends with these words, which all of the signatories pledged to uphold:

“And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor.”

In its essentials, that statement perfectly describes Atlas’s heroes. Both they and the Founders cleaved uncompromisingly to the ideals that created this country, based solely upon their confidence in the judgements of their own minds. Let’s examine the three leaders of the revolt against the tyrannical collectivist society portrayed in the world of Atlas Shrugged – John Galt, Francisco D’Anconia, and Ragnar Danneskjold:

John Galt, who started out in life poor but full of ambitious intellectual fire, gave up the fame and fortune that his revolutionary invention would have brought him, as well as the pursuit of the woman he loved. Why? To spend his life rescuing the victims of the tyranny he hated, before that tyranny destroyed them. He is the leader – the “commander-in-chief” – of the rebellion.

Francisco D’Anconia, one of Galt’s two field generals, was born into wealth, inheriting the world’s largest industrial enterprise. His brilliant productive energy promised to expand that enterprise to unimaginable proportions. Yet, he gave it all up to join Galt in the rescue mission and rebellion. He, too, gave up the woman he loved for this cause.

Ragnar Danneskjold, the other Galt field general, gave up a promising academic career that could have made him a world-famous philosopher. He chose instead to risk his life, literally, to defend the property of those who earned it – yes, all of them, including “everyday Americans” – against a looting government.

They gave it all up, and in varying degrees risked their very lives, for the ideal of individualist freedom. They had no idea how long the fight would be, or when they would be able to return to the lives they had abandoned, if ever. They single-mindedly followed a vision – the vision of the Founding Fathers – to whatever end awaited them. Against an uncertain and risky future, armed with nothing but the judgement of their own minds, they pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor – to each other and to their cause.

Atlas Shrugged is a monument to the American Founding, a salute and tribute to its Founders, and its author the logical intellectual and philosophic voice of the movement whose symbol is the Revolutionary War era slogan, “Don’t Tread on Me” – today’s Tea Party. Far from being “appalled to see how the ‘everyday Americans’ at tea party rallies have demanded that they (not the American nobility nor the Ivy League graduates) should have the decisive voice in American politics”, Rand’s heroes are the voice of the Founders rising in their defense. It is no wonder that the enemies of the Tea Party want to divorce it of Ayn Rand.

Ayn Rand built upon the work of John Locke, the Enlightenment thinkers, and the Founding Fathers, purging the poisonous contradictions and omissions in their work, to forge the missing link of America’s Founding – a comprehensive ideological foundation and defense. The lack of a proper foundation is what opened the door to statism and the erosion and eventual destruction of the Founders achievement. If Rand’s philosophical validation of the American Revolution ever took hold in our culture, it would mark the beginning of the end of the predatory welfare state, and usher in a second, final … and peaceful … American Revolution. For this achievement, Ayn Rand deserves the title, America’s Last Founding Father.

Thursday, November 4, 2010

The GOP Grabs a Tiger by the Tail

There were no surprises. The Republicans took the House of Representatives with room to spare. The Senate remained Democratic, but with a much larger GOP minority. The reign of unfettered Obama statism is over. So far, it’s 1966.

Considering today’s political realities, this is the ideal setup. In 1994, the Republicans rampaged to full control of both Senate and House, and President Bill Clinton used the next two years using the GOP congress as a punching bag, and won re-election in 1996. With a divided congress, President Obama will have a hard time employing that kind of strategy, although he will try. A repeat of 1994 would probably have greatly enhanced Obama’s re-election prospects, given the GOP’s philosophical agnosticism.

Speaking of that, the signs are not good. Already, we’re hearing about the Republican’s coming “moderate” approach. Political incrementalism is a workable strategy only when backed up by firm principles. As I’ve noted, the Statists (mostly Democrats) have done just dandy expanding government power in bits and pieces, while cleaving solidly to their collectivist/socialist ideals. America needs desperately for the Republicans to be just as strong in upholding individualism/capitalism ideals. The political battles can be fought with the usual give-and-take, but the philosophical battle is necessarily between the two extremes. This is where the GOP must stand tall.

Will they? Without an explicit statement upholding the individual’s right to live for his own sake, there is no way for the Republicans to effectively advance a free market political agenda. One must know what one stands for. The Democrats do. For the next two years, Obama will talk “compromise” and “cooperation” with the House Republicans while framing the debate in his collectivist terms. The GOP must call him on it, and present the clear philosophical alternative, or he will steamroll them.

The new element in this year’s GOP triumph is, of course, the Tea Party Movement. The Tea Party began, ironically, as a rebellion against the Republicans and their 2008 Tarp bailouts (although the name had not yet been coined). It then swarmed the Democrats in 2009. In late 2009 into 2010, the Tea Party flexed its muscles in elections in the Virginia and New Jersey gubernatorial, and Massachusetts senatorial, races, with Republicans being the prime beneficiaries. The Tea Party continued its emergence into the political arena with the midterms, riding the minority Republican Party as the vehicle for expressing its growing cultural power.

The Republican leadership would like to have us believe that they harnessed the power of the Tea Party by heeding their message. But, the Republicans have harnessed nothing. They have grabbed a tiger by the tail. The unofficial motto of the Tea Party is, “Don’t Tread on Me!”. The Tea Party, that leaderless conglomeration of disparate, often contradictory elements, will not stand patiently by. It is a movement by and for independents. It wants government out of the business of running our lives. If this GOP crop doesn’t battle hard to roll back statism, the Tea Party will turn on them as fast as it turned on the 2008 Republicans and the 2009 Democrats.

The result, if the GOP fails this time, could very well be the emergence of a third major political party in 2012 – a literal Tea Party, this time.

Get ready.

Wednesday, June 23, 2010

Forgetting American Ideals: Mathews Defends Legalized Brute Force

“In 1776 [the Gadsten flag] served warning to those who threatened America from abroad. Today, it’s being waved in contempt of our own honestly elected American government in Washington.”

So ranted MSNBC’s Chris Matthews against what he calls “the rise of the New Right” – the Tea Party Movement.

Chris Matthews fears violence from the Tea Party. Tea Partyers vent they’re rage in peaceful demonstrations but use fiery rhetoric that can inflame its members. The Left is flummoxed. The Tea Party is angry against a government that was duly elected. Horrors!! Elections are the Left’s magic wand, after all. In a democracy, which America never was intended to be, any action by elected officials is justified by the will of the people as expressed through the counting of ballots. Elected politicians wielding coercive powers never constitutionally granted to the government sit in a chamber and pass legislation that shreds the only protection the people have against an omnipotent government, democratically elected or otherwise – individual rights.

They have some ominous company. On the Left’s own premise of the omnipotence of elected officials, Hugo Chavez is shutting down press freedom in Venezuela as he establishes yet another socialist hellhole, and Adolf Hitler slaughtered 6 million Jews. Chavez and Hitler were elected, right? Oh, but Hitler was “violent”, which is somehow different from elected officials politely abusing the legal force of law. “An honestly elected government” can justify the non-violent, legalized enslavement of the medical profession under ObamaCare, so long as there is no “violence” involved. There is a concrete difference, but the difference is not fundamental.

Matthews apparently believes that an “honestly elected government” need not respect our own Declaration of Independence, which separated the colonies from that foreign power. That Declaration states unequivocally:

“That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.”

Our American system was designed as a constitutionally limited republic, not a democracy. It was limited to the protection of individual rights, not the momentary whims of any electoral constituency as represented by the politicians they elect. In our American Republic, the individual’s rights are protected first, and the electoral process is narrowly limited and has no power to alienate those basic rights of anyone. Democratic principles are an important part of a republic, but they are not the bedrock principles that govern it. Those principles are grounded in the moral doctrine of individual rights. There is a very good reason for why the Founders set up our governing system as they did. They recognized the unique dangers that government inherently poses. “Government is not reason; it is not eloquent; it is force. Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master”, warned George Washington. They sought to constrain that institution of force.

Force is force, and there is fundamentally no difference between its violent and non-violent exercise. Violence is nothing more than a manifestation of force. Writes Amit Ghate:

"Yes it is proper to condemn the initiators of violence. In fact it is morally mandatory because such action represents a tremendous evil. But violence is wrong precisely because it is a species of force. For the left to oppose open violence while promoting every other form of force is more than hypocritical — it’s an unconscionable intellectual crime.

"Whatever its form or specific target, force is evil because it impedes or defeats man’s use of his mind and its products."


Matthews and his Left Wing ilk blow a smokescreen consisting of potential Tea Party force in the form of violence, to hide the much more sinister and destructive actual, legalized force of the Obama government. The difference is monumental. In a republic, we are protected from violent force by government through its laws, police, and prosecutors who arrest and jail the violent offenders, and we are protected from government force by a constitution. But today - our republic having been morphed into a democracy, and our constitution increasingly rendered irrelevant by the “living constitution” doctrine - we are no longer protected from force-wielding powerlusters in a runaway government. We are, in fact, legally disarmed in the face of Obama statism– left without any protection from the government thugs.

Matthews fears Tea Party violence but sanctions the camouflaged violence of robbery and enslavement perpetrated by an elected government under cover of the law. We are approaching the state of affairs of pre-Revolutionary War England, or the world of Atlas Shrugged, when “society establishes criminals-by-right and looters-by-law--men who use force to seize the wealth of disarmed victims [and] laws don't protect you against them, but protect them against you.” (page 413)

The Left holds up a straw man, purporting to be worried that some fringe Tea Partyer might perpetrate an isolated act of violence, even as this government wields massive force against its own citizenry. Central planning bureaucrats are gaining massive physical power over our lives, from healthcare to energy to education to finance to food and on and on.

Yet Matthews pillories the Tea Party for daring to resist this power grab by upholding this country’s Founding ideals! He sees in the words “Don’t Tread on Me” a threat of violent rebellion against an elected government, ignoring the essentially anti-American, authoritarian nature of democracy. He separates the original Tea Party from the current one, by citing a difference between foreign and domestic threats to liberty. He forgets that our own Declaration of Independence does not distinguish one from the other:

“That whenever any form of government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.”

“Whenever any form of government becomes destructive…”, declared our Founding Fathers. Notice that the Founders didn’t advocate or rule out any particular method by which “the people” may alter, abolish or institute new government. They just reserved the right of the people to do it, and urged prudence. Mathews' fantasies to the contrary notwithstanding, the Tea Party Movement has been nothing if not “prudent”, demanding change not a “toppling”, seeking to right “a long train of abuses and usurpations” peacefully through persuasion and elections rather than violence. It seeks to rein government back within its constitutional restraints from which it burst – to reverse a statist trend that is accelerating but did not originate with his beloved Obama Administration. Tea Partyers seek to overturn “a design to reduce them under absolute despotism.”

Matthews sees threats of violence where no meaningful ones exist, in order to divert attention away from the growing Washington tyranny that he promotes, aids, and abets. He wants to expose an alleged danger to society posed by the new Tea Party rebellion. Yet, by protecting the force-wielding Washington catalyst for the Tea Party, he is helping to push this country toward the day when we cross the line into actual dictatorship, leaving violent overthrow the only means left to a once free people to exercise "their right [and] their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security."

The Left statists hide their brute force policy agenda behind the ballot box like a mob hit man hides his weapons behind a trench coat. And like the mobster, they seek to silence dissent through intimidation and smears. But they must be getting nervous, indeed, even though the Tea Party Movement is still only a fledgling scattering of mixed premises and competing factions.

Matthews and I are in agreement about at least one thing, however. The Gadsden Flag is an appropriate symbol of the Tea Party Movement. Those words represent a threat, all right, but not in the way he means. Don’t Tread on Me are the words today’s Washington can not bear to hear. It’s hard to control the man who stands up for his right to live free.

Sunday, May 9, 2010

The Tea Party Movement - A Progress Report

The Tea Party Movement has entered its second year, and there is no shortage of opinions as to what, exactly, it stands for. Attempts to paint the movement as an “AstroTurf” extension of GOP “operatives” flopped under the weight of the evidence. Leaving aside the irrelevant cranks and their smears of “racism” and the like, it is now seen for what it is – a massive, peaceful grass roots uprising whose members have something to say. The NJ Star-Ledger's Mark DiIonno makes this point, calling the movement “largely a non-violent, grassroots movement in the great American tradition of criticizing government.” It’s about ideas, but what ideas?

The fact is, the Tea Party Movement can’t be narrowed down to a single issue or two. But the general direction it will take is beginning to come into focus. Significantly, that focus is being sharpened not by some charismatic voice – the movement is still leaderless – but by the same grass roots source from which it sprang.

So we should turn to real live Tea Partyers themselves. Tea Party Patriots, which boasts many heavyweight sponsors, has recently hosted a “debate” for Tea Partyers nationwide. Participants were asked to submit a list of ten points that they believe should define the movement. The top ten suggestions became what is called the Contract From America, a manifesto derived directly from grassroots America.

What I see is very encouraging. The contract page states:

“The Contract from America serves as a clarion call for those who recognize the importance of free market principles, limited government, and individual liberty.”

When I read the Contract, one thing that struck me is that which is not on the list. The social agenda of the Religious Right – bans on abortion, stem-cell research, and gay marriage, to name a few – is conspicuous for its absence. This is a very healthy sign for the future of the movement.

To be sure, the main themes of “Individual Liberty, Limited Government, and Economic Freedom” are rather weak in their definitions. Under Individual Liberty, we are told that our “liberties [rights?] are inherent, not granted by our government.” Good so far, but undercut by the admonition against “excessive control over our economic choices.” How does one define excessive? Even Obama would claim to be against “excessive regulations”. Limited Government is not bad, but could be more clear. “The purpose of our government”, or any government, is to protect individual rights. The idea that government must “exercise only those limited powers that have been relinquished to it by the people” is an important constitutional principle but is only a means to that end. Economic Freedom is the weakest, relying on the utilitarian argument that free markets merely work best. Economic freedom is the corollary of the moral concept of individual rights, and means the separation of economics and state. These must be clearly articulated.

The action agenda is a mixed bag. Here is my brief take on the ten point agenda:

1. Doesn’t account for the Constitution’s weaknesses. For example, like the “commerce clause” that authorizes the federal government to “regulate” economic activity between the states, the call for freedom “from excessive control” is an opening wedge of statism.

2. Basically OK

3. OK, but government borrowing is not the real problem, the level of spending is. And I question the use of a constitutional amendment.

4. Although I favor repeal, this is good. A flat tax would be much better than what we have now, and more moral.

5. This is perhaps the most dangerous to our cause. A “Blue Ribbon taskforce” has always been an excuse to do nothing. Worse, shifting federal “agencies and programs [down to] the states or local authorities” is no answer to big government. Tyranny at any level is bad. “Assessing their Constitutionality” presupposes an assessment of how our constitution has been watered down and torn from its original purpose of protecting the individual from the government. In our current confused state, strict adherence to the constitution is not enough. A full-fledged, knock-down ideological battle over constitutional principles is called for.

6. No arbitrary formula will work. Runaway spending is a consequence of our lack of respect for individual rights, especially property rights.

7. Good. Must be expanded into a comprehensive, principled plan that ultimately examines every government intrusion into American medicine from Medicare to the FDA.

8. Bad. The best policy is no policy. Get the government out of the way, and leave energy producers free to produce whatever energy they can for whatever their customers will buy, consistent with the government’s role as a rights-protector.

9. See point 6.

10. A good short-term political goal to shoot for. Simple, straightforward, and good economics.

The Contract is vague and focused on non-essentials, and is flawed in many respects. What the Tea Party needs to understand is that compromise is the enemy of its goals. This is something that the Left long ago grasped. They are steadfastly consistent in upholding the “right” of the have-nots to drain the haves, with all that that implies. They lecture Republicans and conservatives about “bipartisanship”, accuse them of “polarizing”, and warn them against being “ideologues” – even as they themselves cleave uncompromisingly to the essential tenets of collectivism. Their current leader, Barack Obama, preaches the gospel of altruism loudly, proudly, and with full certainty that he can get away with it.

Republicans and conservatives swallow this claptrap, and end up compromising on anything. The Democrats give a little legislative ground, throw a bone to the GOP, and almost always end up moving the ball further toward the goal line of socialism. This is how a century of ever-growing statism has whittled away at our freedom. The Tea Party Movement has the potential to end this charade. Embedded within it is the one faction with the philosophical firepower to stand up to the Left – the Objectivists. Objectivists won’t compromise on their ironclad adherence to ethical egoism, individualism, the proper function of government, laissez-faire capitalism, and the belief in the ability and the political and moral right of every person to run and take responsibility for his own life and to pursue his own happiness. Christian conservatives, economic conservatives, libertarians, and all other Tea Party factions must ultimately be won over to Objectivist principles if the TPM is to succeed in turning the statist trend. Like America’s original radicals, the Founding Fathers, Objectivists know that compromise on basic moral principles will be the death knell for their cause. The Left knows this as well. The rest of the Tea Party must learn it, too. I believe they can and, ultimately, will.

My criticism of the Contract From America here is constructive. The flaws in this Contract are fixable. The goals the contract strives for are laudable. But the only way to cohere the Contract into an effective message is to anchor all of its components to common fundamental principles. The principle of individual rights and a government limited by that idea; the epistemological and moral underpinnings of individual rights (reason and egoism); the view of man as an autonomous individual with his own life as an end it itself and not as his brothers’ keeper; the sole and proper function of government as a rights protector; etc., are loosely implied but not explicitly articulated. This is a must.

Despite its shortcomings, the fledgling Tea Party Movement (TPM) is maturing nicely, as we move into Year 2. The secular focus is a good and surprising development, considering the Christian Right’s attempts to hijack it. If it can keep its secular focus, there is a huge opportunity to keep the movement alive, expanding, and on the correct course, while steering the movement toward the right fundamental ideas. The Contract is a good starting point, and leaves the road open to mold, correct, and expand it into a more philosophically focused manifesto. This is vital to the long-term viability of the movement and its effectiveness in evolving into a potent political force. If the TPM is to “fundamentally change the United States of America” for the better (to borrow Obama’s phrase), it must sharpen it message and zero in on fundamental principles.

Although the Left fantasizes about sabotaging the TPM, and despite smear tactics such as Bill Clinton’s sneaky equivocation of Tea Partyers to the anarcho-terrorist Timothy McVeigh, the biggest threat to it comes from the Religious Right, which hopes to gain dominance over the movement. This would destroy it. Religious conservatives claim a hefty portion of the TPM: almost half, by some estimates. They have a right to their opinions, and to advocate their cause through persuasion and their free speech rights. Indeed, the right to pursue and uphold one's values is a key American principle that the Tea Party exists to defend. But the stated goal of Religious Right activists is to impose their rights-violating social agenda by law...i.e., by force. So far, they have not succeeded. They must not be allowed to.

This is not at all a call to excommunicate pro-capitalist, pro-American Christians from the movement. It is a call to keep the rights-violating Christian activist social agenda out of it, because otherwise the Tea Party would disintegrate. If our only answer to the statist Left is to replace it with our own brand of statism, then I and most Tea Partyers are out. The TPM is a movement of, by, and for Independents (regardless of the official party affiliation). Independents, who represent America’s largest political block and who have turned against the Obama Democrats en mass, are best characterized as economically conservative and socially liberal. Independents don’t want government telling them what to do with their property or their bodies, who they can buy what products from or who they can marry.

As we await, hope for and fight for that central philosophical message the Tea Party Movement so desperately needs, the question remains: Is there any unifying message or symbol that can accurately define the Tea Party Movement as it currently stands, and characterizes all of its disparate elements? Yes, I believe there is. Some 235 years ago, as the Revolutionary War got under way, the American rattlesnake emerged as the symbol of defiance and rebellion, culminating in the creation of the Gadsden Flag. If there is one thing that permeates the entire movement, it is the feeling that we are being pushed around, and we want it to stop. Tea Partyers are overwhelmingly fearful of a government that has broken free of its constitutional and moral constraints. This is why the Gadsden flag (“Don’t Tread on Me”), the symbol of the American Revolution, fits the current TPM so well.

The TPM is a powerful phenomenon. Make no mistake about that. It is much, much bigger than the number of active marchers who attend the rallies. Almost everyone I talk to these days - and I am around a lot of trade union types – is fearful of the direction the country is taking. That fear centers around not merely the economy (which is beginning to improve), but the generally growing government control of our lives. Most people I talk to are aligned with the spirit of the movement, whether they know it consciously or not. There are tens of millions of Americans who silently sympathize with the Tea Party activists. This is the insignia of successful national course-altering movements – a small group of vocal activists backed by widespread popular support.

The first political tests of the strength of the TPM occurred with the Virginia and New Jersey gubernatorial elections followed by the Massachusetts shocker. This year’s mid-term elections will be a much bigger test. I expect the coming midterms to be a firm confirmation of its strength, with the Republican Party being the big beneficiary. How the GOP responds to their anticipated big gains will be a test of their party’s relevance. Will they finally stand on free market principles? Or will it be another hollow “victory”, the final nail in their sorry compromising coffin? The answer to those questions will determine if the Tea Party needs to evolve into a genuine Third Political Party.

The Tea Party Movement could be, I suspect, the beginning of a second American Revolution. There are too many Americans who will not sit idly by any longer as their freedom steadily erodes. Just as with the Revolutionaries who fought for and created this nation, the Tea Party represents perhaps 1/3 to ½ of the population. But just as the Revolutionaries succeeded, so can we – if, like our forebears, we cast off the poison of compromise and adhere to our principles. This nation will not be allowed to slide down the well-worn path to tyranny previously taken by the collectivist hellholes of the 20th century – not without a fight.

The unified rebellion I foresaw developing under a statist Obama Administration continues to exceed my expectations. As of this writing, I can say that the TPM is shaping up to be the first significant resistance to the socialist/statist trend that began a century ago. Obama's declared intention to fundamentally change America may succeed in a way that he could not have envisioned. His aggressive statism may, repeat may, be like a "blowoff top" that signals the end of a stock bull market, represent the terminal stage of the long trend toward dictatorship. Most importantly, it is being led, not by prominent political or intellectual leaders, but literally by we the people. From the TPM we will see emerge, hopefully, the necessary political leadership as the movement continues to evolve. That can only happen when it is understood that ideas determine political direction.

Slowly, those ideas are re-emerging from America's revolutionary past.

Long live the Tea Party Movement, and:

Long Live Lady Liberty!

Thursday, April 8, 2010

On Black Tea Partyers and Racism

I rarely pay much attention to any sort of insulting nonsense, preferring to keep to an intellectual level which is consistent with the seriousness with which I take my ideas. But this article by Associated Press Writer Valerie Bauman, entitled Black Conservative Tea Party Backers Take Heat, is an exception. I just had to defend my Tea Party "brothers".

Ms. Bauman writes:

"They've been called Oreos, traitors and Uncle Toms, and are used to having to defend their values. Now black conservatives are really taking heat for their involvement in the mostly white tea party movement — and for having the audacity to oppose the policies of the nation's first black president."

Unfortunately, Ms. Bauman gives credibility to the charges that the Tea Party Movement is fundamentally racist, without any attempt to provide evidence from the accusers. It's just presented as a valid position of "opponents".

"Opponents have branded the tea party as a group of racists hiding behind economic concerns — and reports that some tea partyers were lobbing racist slurs at black congressmen during last month's heated health care vote give them ammunition."

The "reports" of "racist slurs" are not evidence of anything but the ignorance of the few alleged "tea partyers". One can hardly call that "ammunition" for the "opponents" attack on the entire Movement.

Perhaps she felt she needed to give her piece balance, because it is otherwise a decent portrayal of the Black Tea Partyers and the unjust slurs they have to put up with.

Nevertheless, I had to address the racism charges. Here are my comments:

To fully understand the source of the smears against the Tea Party Movement, one must look to the epistemological level.

These absurd racism accusations thrown at the Tea Party Movement are a product of those whose minds are frozen on the perceptual level of consciousness. They see mostly white faces, and reflexively conclude racism. Where's the evidence? That would require logical connections. Their anti-conceptual inability to think on an abstract level blinds them to the fact that it is exactly that - their own racism - that leads them to their conclusion that "I see white, so it must be racism". The black Tea Partiers are not evidence to the contrary, in their concrete-frozen minds. They are mindlessly brushed off as traitors to the black collective.

The wide diversity of ideas espoused by Tea Party participants is ridiculed in an open admission of the inability (or fearful refusal) to challenge them intellectually. That would require thinking, which is hard work.

"How can you not support the brother?", is the refrain of the racist-tribalist-collectivist mentality, the most successful products and logical result of the Progressive Education Establishment, which fosters the anti-conceptual mindset.

Thinking is a choice that each of us must make, as individuals. The smear merchants should put aside their unsubstantiated insults and instead choose reason and debate, and refute the ideas of their black (and white) Tea Party "brothers" in honest intellectual discourse, if they can.

Posted 7:51 PM

Sunday, September 13, 2009

Some Post - DC Observations

As reported, I, my wife Kathy, and daughter Susan attended the 9.12.09 DC Tea Party march on the Capitol. I wore a tee shirt with the words; The Smallest Minority: The Individual. Kathy wore a cap with a bold "I" superimposed on the words; The World’s Smallest Minority – along with a matching tote. These are a reference to Ayn Rand’s famous statement in her essay on Racism (see below). And Susan wore a tee shirt that read simply, SHRUG, an obvious reference to Atlas Shrugged.

“[T]he smallest minority in the world is the individual. Those who deny individual rights, cannot claim to be defenders of minorities." (The Virtue of Selfishness, page 154)




Ipresented a full discussion of our plans and my take on the Tea Party movement in my last post, but I just wanted to follow up with some observations.

It was quite an experience. As expected, there were a multitude of opinions and motivations expressed by the crowd and the speakers. But I think there was a common sentiment that united everyone, which can best be expressed by:

“Don’t push me around!!”

I think that that was the most important and encouraging and, potentially, the most significant aspect of the march. But there were other positive observations.

One was the utmost civility of the people. Everyone we encountered was pleasant and respectful. No one we encountered was rude.

I also was amazed by the sheer number of signs. This indicated a high level of motivation, a good sign (no pun intended) for the endurance of the movement.

Another good sign was that there was a lot of anger expressed against the Republican Party and not just to Obama and the Dems. The march, I believe, was primarily an anti-statism message. I did not see or hear President G. W. Bush’s name invoked a single time! As would be expected, Ronald Reagan was mentioned and quoted numerous times. This is good. It’s reflects the realization that Bush was a statist, not a “free market kind of guy”.

Finally, the size of the crowd was huge. It ranged well up Pennsylvania Ave. It was quite a sight looking back from the hill in front of the Capitol back over the masses of people. The lowest estimates were in the tens of thousands, and ranged up to two million. The actual tally likely measured in the mid-hundreds of thousands. The main thing is that the Tea Party movement’s growth trend seems to remain on track.

I also want to stress very strongly my belief that the Tea Party movement is much bigger than the mere physical appearance of so many people. I believe that the millions of Americans who are frustrated and fearful of the statist trend, and who speak out on any level, can rightly call themselves as much Tea Partyers as the attendees.

All in all, the 9.12.09 experience was one to remember, and the three of us are proud to have been direct participants in it.

Thursday, September 10, 2009

9.12.09 - Here We Go

My first voting experience was 1972. In 2008, for the first time, I abstained from voting in the presidential election. Just prior to the election, I stated my reasons for this:

Both Obama and McCain share the same fundamental philosophical premises…that the individual is second to some “higher” cause or power. For McCain it is the “nation”, for Obama, the “collective.” Neither is a champion of individual rights. The difference is that Obama is an unabashed socialist. He is a clear target. McCain, on the other hand, is a murky target. That is because as the Republican, rightly or wrongly, he carries the banner of free market capitalism.

The danger is that a President McCain will discredit, demoralize, and split the pro-free market forces between those who feel obligated to support the GOP guy they voted for, despite bad policies, and those who oppose him on principle.

With Obama in the White House and a Democratic congress, the Left’s agenda will take explicit center stage. This will open the door to a full exposure of the true authoritarian nature of their designs on America. Rather than sneaking their freedom-eroding agenda into law piecemeal under stealth cover of a Republican administration, the Dems will have nowhere to hide. The disparate elements of what today passes for the “Right” will present a solid wall of opposition. The key question is, will an effective, principled pro-capitalist, pro-individual rights opposition arise within the GOP? Or will the Left be able to move its destructive programs through an intellectual vacuum?


The true authoritarian nature of Obama’s agenda is now fully exposed on center stage. The threat to America is clear and unmistakable, just seven months into the presidency of Barack Obama. At the same time, as I expected, the disparate elements of what today passes for the “Right” [now] present a solid wall of opposition. This wall, manifested in the “Tea Party” movement and the townhall meetings this August, is obviously building on a grass roots foundation. More fundamentally, the collapse of both major political parties in so short a time frame has opened up a gaping political and intellectual vacuum … a veritable black hole. People are looking for answers, and this has manifested itself in an extraordinary cultural phenomenon. Richard E. Ralston, Executive Director of Americans for Free Choice in Medicine, writes:

“Tea parties and town hall meetings are not the only signs of public discontent. There are more substantial cultural indicators. One of the most remarkable is the rapidly rising sales of Ayn Rand's 1957 novel Atlas Shrugged.

“In 2008 more copies of that novel were sold than in any year in its 52-year history. And more copies were sold in the first half of 2009 than in all of 2008.

“Why are hundreds of thousands of people suddenly reading a serious, intellectual, eleven-hundred-page novel written half a century ago? Perhaps it is because events in Washington, D.C. are disconcertingly developing like the plot of Atlas Shrugged. Not least among these events is the push for government control over health care.” (Emphasis added.)


The surprising strength and powerful motivation of the “rebellion” has knocked the Dems back on their heels. Despite large majorities in both houses of congress, the president’s signature domestic policy initiative, health care reform, has been anything but the legislative cakewalk they expected. In fact, it is in serious trouble as infighting between their “moderate” and liberal wings breaks out over key provisions like the “public option” and Medicare.
This unity on the Right would not have been possible with a President McCain. We would be struggling with a compromise, watered down version of Obama statism.

But when you look below the surface of the Tea Party phenomenon, what you see are indeed the disparate elements of what today passes for the “Right”. People and organizations seem mostly motivated by a myriad of specific concrete issues. Many do refer to America’s founding principles, but without clearly or consistently delineating those principles. Many advocate for capitalism on utilitarian or practical grounds. There are religious rightists, libertarians, conservatives, "moderates", and even disgruntled Democrats. The movement is marked by a chaos of mixed premises, but all are united in opposition to the year-long burst of statism from two parties and two administrations.

Differences aside, there is a common thread woven through the movement, which reflects the growing unease of what is now a majority of the population – the sense that something is seriously wrong with the country’s direction, that the government is breaking free of all constitutional restraints, that “We the People” are losing our freedom and our American ideals.

And it’s true. Yet the eruption of this spontaneous rebellion is only the beginning. The hard work is just beginning. The Tea Party Movement … and it is now a movement … has the potential to dramatically alter the political fabric of the nation. But the wall of opposition as it currently stands is too granulated to succeed in the longer run. Without the proper philosophical/moral cement to solidify it, the wall will disintegrate under a sea of compromise and equivocation, like a sandcastle on the beach.

With this in mind, my wife Kathy, daughter Susan, and myself will be in Washington DC on 9/12/09 for the march on the capital. In my 60 years, I’ve never participated in any kind of political demonstration before. But thanks to Susan’s prodding – “It’s time to put your ‘money’ where your mouth is, dad”, she told me – I’m going.

But we won’t be going as protesters, so much as advocates. Our focus will not be on narrow concrete issues like taxes, Tarp, or Cap & Trade. All of the issues of the day are important, of course. But the real battle … the outcome of which will determine the resolution of the major issues … is much more fundamental. I truly believe that we now have our first openly counter-revolutionary president – that is, counter- American Revolution. Therefor, we must take the fight to the battleground of fundamental philosophical ideas.

So we will focus on raising awareness of the twin pillars of America’s Founding Ideals. In keeping with our belief that the Right must congeal around a coherent set of philosophical principles if it is to succeed in defeating statism, our purpose will be two-fold (three-fold, really). We will focus on two almost-forgotten and virtually-ignored yet vital ideals. Our presence will feature a banner which reads “Save our Republic, Uphold Individual Rights”. We will be passing out a couple of flyers, as well.

The first flyer begins with this preamble:

The trend toward the end of freedom and capitalism in America is being fueled by the abandonment of two indispensable principles: that America is a Republic, and is based upon unalienable individual rights. It is absolutely imperative that we rediscover these two concepts, without which America cannot survive.

That introductory statement will be followed by “What is a Republic?” featuring selected excerpts by philosopher Leonard Peikoff which starts out with “The American system is not a democracy. It is a constitutional republic.”

The American system is not a democracy. It is a constitutional republic. A democracy, if you attach meaning to terms, is a system of unlimited majority rule; the classic example is ancient Athens. And the symbol of it is the fate of Socrates, who was put to death legally because the majority didn’t like what he was saying, although he had initiated no force and had violated no one’s rights.

Democracy, in short, is a form of collectivism, which denies individual rights: the majority can do whatever it wants with no restrictions. [Collectivism is the doctrine that holds that the standard of value is the group, to which the individual is subordinate and can be sacrificed on any group whim, as represented by the state.] In principle, the democratic government is all-powerful. Democracy is a totalitarian manifestation; it is not a form of freedom . . .

The American system is a constitutionally limited republic, restricted to the protection of individual rights. In such a system, majority rule is applicable only to lesser details, such as the selection of certain personnel [as with the election of mayors, congressmen or the president, who are bound by the constitutional limitations]. But the majority has no say over the basic principles governing the government. It has no power to ask for or gain the infringement of individual rights.



Then, the answer to “What are Individual Rights?” features selected excerpts and paraphrases from philosopher Ayn Rand’s important essay Man’s Rights.

The Declaration of Independence states that men “are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.” Whether one believes that man is the product of a Creator or of nature, the issue of man’s origin does not alter the fact that his means of survival is his reasoning mind. The mind is an attribute of the individual, and cannot function successfully under coercion. Individual rights are a necessary condition of man’s particular mode of survival, and are therefore unalienable based upon this fact of nature.

 A “right” is a moral principle defining and sanctioning a man’s freedom of action in a social context. The concept of a “right” pertains only to action—specifically, to freedom of action. It means freedom from physical compulsion, coercion or interference by any other person, group, or the government. Individual rights are the means of subordinating society to moral law; they are a legal sanction of the freedom to live and act upon one’s own moral principles.

 Individual rights guarantee the freedom of each person to think and act on his own judgement.


 Rights impose no obligation save one – to respect and refrain from violating the rights of others.

 The right to life is the source of all rights—and the right to property is their only implementation. Without property rights, no other rights are possible. Since man has to sustain his life by his own effort, the man who has no right to the product of his effort has no means to sustain his life and thus no right to life. The man who produces while others dispose of his product…his property…is a slave.

The right to life means that a man has the right to support his life by his own work (on any economic level, as high as his ability will carry him); it does not mean that others must provide him with the necessities of life. There is no “right”, for example, to a job, an education, a home, or healthcare that must be provided by others. There is only the right to produce them oneself or to acquire them by voluntary trade and contract from those who do produce them.


These two issues are related, of course. Individual rights is the core founding principle of America, and the republican governmental construct is the practical implementation of the need to protect those rights.

The second flyer will be “What the Tea Party Movement Must Stand For” from the Tea Party web page of the Ayn Rand Center for Individual Rights. It urges the Right to defend the morality of the American ideals, declaring:

"To uphold the individual’s political right to pursue his own happiness, we must uphold the individual’s moral right to pursue his own happiness [because] the pursuit of happiness is selfish. That’s why you need the individual freedom of a capitalist system – to pursue your own interests, to act on your own judgement, to make your own life the best it can be."

The first two pillars were lost primarily for the missing third pillar … a moral justification. That pillar has been forged by Ayn Rand, whom I consider to be America’s Last Founding Father. She has provided - through a rigorous process of scientific observation of the facts of reality and of man’s nature, and validated by the systematic application of logic and reason - a powerful ethical system that completes and philosophically justifies the American Revolution.

In it’s briefest essence, Rand rejected both the ethics of altruism (self-sacrifice for the good of others), and the ethics of greed (the sacrifice of others for one’s own ends, or the conventional definition of “selfishness”). In it’s place emerges “a new concept of egoism”, an ethics proper for man and man’s nature as a reasoning being of volitional consciousness and free will - rational self-interest, the practical application of which … in both the spiritual and material realms … is the non-sacrificial mutually beneficial trader principle. It is an ethics that was implicit in the Declaration of Independence, and which was responsible for the explosion of wealth creation and living standards unleashed by the millions of free individuals pursuing their own happiness under a government of laws and not of men. It is a morality that, from this country’s founding, had been the primary ethics that most Americans lived by … and still live by … despite the corruption of altruism. It is an ethics that, once and for all, banishes the primitive practice of human sacrifice. It is an ethics that, alas, was never acknowledged by a people that lived and thrived by it.

In the Declaration of Independence, the Founding Fathers made the most purely egoistic political statement ever as the foundation for a nation; “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Yet nobody rose to declare that the pursuit of one’s own happiness … the pursuit of goals, values, prosperity, the good life for oneself and one’s family … is the highest and noblest of moral ideals. Nobody rose to expose the altruist creed for the vicious doctrine that it is … one that masquerades under the banners of compassion and good will, even as it kills them off and turns people into predators or slaves. Nobody, that is, until Ayn Rand rose to declare:

Rationality is man's basic virtue, and his three fundamental values are: reason, purpose, self-esteem. Man—every man—is an end in himself, not a means to the ends of others; he must live for his own sake, neither sacrificing himself to others nor sacrificing others to himself; he must work for his rational self-interest, with the achievement of his own happiness as the highest moral purpose of his life." Thus [my philosophy] Objectivism rejects any form of altruism—the claim that morality consists in living for others or for society.


Can you see President Obama reciting those words, as justification for his agenda? You can't? Now you know why our side needs a proper ethical base.

We are at a crossroads. The altruist-collectivist-socialist Left has won the 20th century, despite the demonstrable superiority of limited republican government and unalienable individual rights and the unprecedented capitalist prosperity it unleashed. We are in the late innings, and they are looking to close out the game. The twin political/philosophical pillars of America’s founding must be regained and united with the morality of rational self-interest – then adopted as the uniting bulwark of the Tea Party Movement.

We, all of us on the Right, must uphold the egoist-individualist-capitalist American ideal. We must declare that:

Capitalism is not a necessary evil that works. Capitalism works because it is right.

American ideals are not the remnants of an obsolete past, but the righteous moral path to recapture and complete the American Revolution.

It’s late in the game, and our time is running out. But the stunning collapse of the Obama “mandate” now underway - which I expected and, in fact, predicted in private conversation last November - has opened a yawning political and ideological vacuum in America. It’s a huge opportunity for the Tea Party Movement, which must now seize the ideological momentum or itself erode and collapse, paving the way for something really bad. We have reached the crossroads, I believe.

It’s time for our side - the pro-capitalist, pro-individual rights, pro-American side – to finally seize the moral high ground from the phonies on the Left, which is ours by logical right.